Swann (1985)

Notes on the text
Preliminary pages Membership, Contents, Introduction

Part I: Setting the scene
Chapter 1 The nature of society
Chapter 2 Racism: theory and practice
Chapter 3 Achievement and underachievement
Chapter 3 continued

Part II: Education for all
Chapter 4 Ethnic minorities and education: historical perspective
Chapter 5 Multicultural education: further studies
Chapter 5 continued
Chapter 6 'Education for all': a new approach

Part III: Major areas of concern
Chapter 7 Language and language education
Chapter 8 Religion and the role of the school
Chapter 9 Teacher education; employment of ethnic minority teachers
Chapter 9 continued

Part IV: 'Other' ethnic minority groups
Introduction
Chapter 10 Chinese children
Chapter 11 Cypriot children
Chapter 12 Italian children
Chapter 13 Ukranian children
Chapter 14 Vietnamese children
Chapter 15 'Liverpool Blacks'
Chapter 16 Travellers' children
Reflections and conclusions

Part V:
Main conclusions and recommendations

Appendices

Report of the Committee of Enquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups

Chairman: Lord Swann

Cmnd. 9453

London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office 1985
© Crown copyright material is reproduced with the permission of the Controller of HMSO and the Queen's Printer for Scotland.

Chapter 6 'Education for All': a new approach
[pages 315 - 381]

1. Introduction

1.1 From our analysis of the evolution of policies in relation to the educational needs of ethnic minority pupils and the broader educational implications of our multiracial society, we believe that the reasons for the confused and confusing state of provision in this field today are clearly discernible. The absence of clear policy objectives based on firm educational principles, rather than determined by political expediency, from the early days of large-scale immigration has led to the development of piecemeal and ad hoc measures around the country varying from those multiracial schools and areas which are now, in theory at least, committed to their interpretation of 'multicultural education', to others which have ignored or rejected the need for any initiatives, in the belief that any problems which may exist will solve themselves given time - a truly 'laissez-faire' philosophy. At the same time, areas of the country which as yet have little or no ethnic minority settlement, appear to have remained oblivious to the changed and changing nature of British society and convinced that this has no relevance to the education of their pupils.

1.2 We believe that much of the confusion which exists in the multicultural field derives from the fact that there are two distinct dimensions to the debate - on the one hand, meeting the educational needs of ethnic minority pupils, and, on the other, broadening the education offered to all pupils to reflect the multiracial nature of British society. Whilst these two issues are clearly inter-related and, in our view, complementary, we believe it is now possible and indeed essential to see them within a new and broader perspective - that of offering all pupils a good, relevant and up to date education for life in Britain and the world as it is today. Because the early educational responses to the arrival in schools of pupils from a range of cultural backgrounds were, as we have seen, concerned almost exclusively with remedying what were perceived as the 'problems' posed by these pupils, it is perhaps understandable that any discussion of the particular educational needs which ethnic minority pupils may experience tends to be regarded, quite mistakenly, as an attempt to 'turn the clock back' to the days of assimilationist and integrationist thinking. Similarly, the fact that attempts to develop educational policies designed to prepare all pupils for life in a multiracial society often appear to be restricted to schools or authorities with ethnic minority pupils - as though the actual presence of such pupils was the major catalyst for such initiatives rather than any broader educational justification - has we believe not only tended to distort discussion of this aspect of educational development, but has also contributed to the generally disappointing degree of progress in this field, especially in 'all-white' areas.

1.3 It could of course be suggested that, within our decentralised education system, it is neither appropriate nor desirable to seek to dictate policy too closely to LEAs or schools. Such a view assumes, however, that an appropriate educational response to the multiracial nature of our society will simply 'emerge' without any assistance or direction from the centre. We believe that our review of developments in this field over recent years shows clearly that, far from the various initiatives which have taken place converging into a consensus view of what needs to be done, there seems to have been, if anything, a marked divergence of view as LEAs and schools have continued to develop their own particular 'brands' of multicultural education, with little reference to activities in other areas of the country. As long as the underlying climate of racism is allowed to persist unchallenged, it seems likely that, as the report (1) prepared by a staff working party at one multiracial secondary school we visited put it:

'Multicultural education will not just happen, rather natural prejudice and institutionalised discrimination will dominate.'

1.5 In the course of our deliberations we have increasingly been led to reflect on whether the term 'multicultural education' is adequate or indeed appropriate to describe the educational process which we envisage, which both caters for the educational needs of all children with equal seriousness and sensitivity and which also prepares all children, both ethnic minority and majority, through a common educational experience, for life in today's society. As we have already observed, the term 'multicultural education' appears to have encouraged schools and LEAs in 'all-white' areas to believe that the issues involved are of no concern to them since they see themselves as monocultural, and the term seems therefore to have added to the confusion which already exists about the aims and objectives involved. After considerable thought, we feel the simple and straightforward phrase 'Education for All' describes more accurately the approach to education which we wish to put forward, since it reflects the responsibility which we feel that all those concerned with education share in laying the foundations for the kind of pluralist society which we envisaged at the opening of this report. In this chapter we set out the major principles which we believe should inform and underlie 'Education for All' and consider the practical implications of these principles for the curriculum. We then go on to outline our broad strategy for the management of change which we believe to be essential in realising the reorientation of the education system which we have envisaged.

2. The principles of 'Education for All'

2.1 We believe that the development of a broader approach to the education of all pupils is justified, and indeed essential, on straightforward educational grounds. As the DES paper 'The School Curriculum' (2) emphasised:

'Since school education prepares the child for adult life, the way in which the school helps him to develop his potential must also be related to his subsequent needs and responsibilities as an active member of our society ... It helps neither the children, nor the nation, if the schools do not prepare them for the realities of the adult world.'

On this basis it is clear that a good education must reflect the diversity of British society and indeed of the contemporary world. As the DES paper drew out, one of the broad aims of education must be:

'to help pupils understand the world in which they live, and the interdependence of individuals, groups and nations.'

'Education for diversity and for social and racial harmony suggests that the richness of cultural variety in Britain, let alone over the world, should be appreciated and utilised in education curricula at all levels. This can only have beneficial effects for all students in widening cultural awareness and in developing sensitivity towards the cultural identity and practices of various groups.'

'Whatever the make-up of the locality, the pupils or the staff, however homogeneous or heterogeneous, the interplay of cultures and the world form the backdrop against which we act out our lives, and must be represented fully and compulsively in every facet of the curriculum. A curriculum that is not multicultural would prepare pupils for an unreal society and world; and involve them in a relearning process outside school; it would be an anachronism and an irrelevance since it would fail to prepare pupils for the real world.'

'Pupils from all backgrounds will one day be voting, decision-making citizens whose views will influence public policies which affect people of all cultural backgrounds. All will contribute to the values of society. It is therefore important that all are made aware of the multicultural nature of British society today, and are encouraged in the attitudes of mutual knowledge. understanding and tolerance which alone can make such a multicultural society a fair and successful one.'

2.3 We also see education as having a major role to play in countering the racism which still persists in Britain today and which we believe constitutes one of the chief obstacles to the realisation of a truly pluralist society. We recognise that some people may feel that it is expecting a great deal of education to take a lead in seeking to remedy what can be seen as a social problem. Nevertheless we believe that the education system and teachers in particular are uniquely placed to influence the attitudes of all young people in a positive manner - as one teacher union observed in their evidence to us:

'School is the one institution that everyone between the ages of 5 and 16 in Britain has to attend and whilst it cannot alone compensate for the inequities of society it does nevertheless constitute one major area of influence - and one which is susceptible to change.'

The need to identify and seek to challenge racism - both the misunderstandings and stereotypes which encourage its persistence, and its many manifestations which deny equality of access and opportunity to all groups - has however only recently been seen as a task for schools. We believe that education has a central role to play in preparing all pupils for life in today's multiracial society, by ensuring that the degree of ignorance which still persists about ethnic minority groups is not allowed to remain uncorrected and that all teachers, pupils and thus the future citizens of this society are much more adequately informed about the range of cultures and lifestyles which are now part of this country. We discussed our views on the theory and practice of racism at some length in Chapter Two, and our attitude is reflected in the following extract from an LEA discussion paper (4):

'Racism is morally wrong, and therefore contrary to basic principles of social justice since it involves gains and benefits for some members of society at the expense of losses and disadvantages for others. It is also against the long-term interests of the majority, since it is bound to lead in due course to considerable social unrest. It damages and dehumanises white people as well as black, giving them distorted views of their identity, society and history; and in this way too is against their own long-term interests.'

'Our curriculum must acknowledge our multi-ethnic society and also take issue with racism. Therefore it must reflect the diversity of cultures in our society and demonstrate the value to society of cultural diversity ... We should help our pupils overcome assumptions about the superiority of modern, Western society and culture and (each them to approach all societies and cultures with understanding. We must prepare our pupils to live in harmony in a multiracial society by helping them to understand the social and economic origins of prejudice ... We want our pupils to have the power of critical reflection, the ability to explore ideas and attitudes with understanding and detachment, and the ability to challenge information. They should acquire the confidence to question established authorities and to think independently, and should learn to justify opinions in a rational manner.'

'... surely if it is part of education to develop rationality and critical thinking schools cannot deny their function to assist all pupils to come to have a better appreciation of their own attitudes and emotions - including those towards race and especially other-race pupils in their own school environment. Pupils cannot be forced to like each other ... but in coming to see how irrational attitudes and emotions are constitutive of prejudice they may in turn reappraise their own thoughts and feelings which may later have some effect in changed behaviour.'

'We recommend that a syllabus recognising the multi-ethnic character of Britain be used in ALL schools, NOT just those with a multi-ethnic population. Ignorance breeds prejudice, especially where there is no opportunity for recognising shared interests.'

2.5 The role of education cannot be and cannot be expected to be to reinforce the values, beliefs and cultural identity which each child brings to school - indeed such an education would surely be as rooted in one culture as much of the traditional Anglocentric curriculum is at present. As one Asian teacher we met emphasised, the aim should not be:

'... the teaching of African or Asian Studies to ethnic minority pupils but rather a sharing and reassessment of one's own culture for all.'

'We need to determine the most appropriate educational responses to the different and often conflicting behaviours, values, beliefs and identifications that students bring to school. Our role is certainly not merely to reinforce them. Such an education would be far too limiting and culturally encapsulating. It would also not help students to attain the values, skills, and abilities needed to fully participate in the national civic culture. ... While the school should not merely reinforce the parochial cultures of students, it should, however, try to avoid teaching students contempt for their primordial cultures and making them ashamed of their behaviour, values and world views.'

'... education is not concerned with teaching children their culture. That is too presumptuous a role for education to attempt to undertake.'

Not 'separate' provision or 'tokenism'

2.6 In seeking to reflect the multiracial nature of today's society within the curriculum and the overall life of a school however there is always a risk that only 'token' account will be taken of the presence of ethnic minority pupils - as a paper prepared by one multiracial LEA observed:

'Adding 'Multicultural Aspects' to an ethnocentric approach does not constitute multicultural education. Multicultural education of the 'addition of multicultural aspects' variety (sometimes called the 'steel-band and Diwali' model) has been ill-conceived, although based on good intentions, ... Multicultural education can only develop positively from a serious analysis of the cultural and racial assumptions in the 'normal' British education system. The rejection of an ethnocentric approach requires a commitment to equality, which can only come from within each individual. It is a commitment which is either total or non-existent. A lip-service approach to multicultural education is probably more damaging than a declared ethnocentric approach.'

Appreciation of diversity

2.7 In our view 'Education for All' should involve more than learning about the cultures and lifestyles of various ethnic groups; it should also seek to develop in all pupils, both ethnic majority and minority, a flexibility of mind and an ability to analyse critically and rationally the nature of British society today within a global context. The reality of British society now and in the future, is that a variety of ethnic groups, with their own distinct lifestyles and value systems, will be living together. It is perhaps inevitable that conflicts may arise from time to time between the aspirations and expectations of these groups. It is also possible that there will be some degree of cultural interchange, with individuals adopting or adapting elements of other group's cultural styles as part of their own. The aim of education should be to ensure that from their earliest years children learn to accept the normality and justice of a variety of points of view without feeling threatened, and are indeed encouraged to find this variety of outlook stimulating in itself. Schools should offer their pupils the skills needed to contribute to a resolution of any conflicts which do arise in a positive and constructive way. As the Schools Council put it in their evidence to us:

'It would be possible to say that (a multicultural) curriculum existed when: ... it was accepted by all sections of society that to draw on a diversity of cultural sources, and to incorporate a world perspective, was proper and unremarkable.'

Educational needs of ethnic minority pupils

2.8 Within the overall education process which we have outlined, however, it must be recognised that some, but by no means all ethnic minority pupils, both those who have been born in this country and those who are themselves immigrants, have and will continue for the foreseeable future to have certain educational needs which may call for particular responses from schools. As the debate on multicultural education has increasingly come to focus on the broader aspects of provision for all pupils, the development of appropriate policies to respond to the particular educational needs which ethnic minority pupils may experience has tended to be subsumed within this broader context rather than analysed in any depth. Whilst we believe that the development of the kind of pluralist policies towards education which we have discussed above will clearly be of benefit to ethnic minority pupils along with their peers from the majority community, it is also essential that the education system caters for any specific educational needs which these pupils may experience, in order to offer them the true equality of opportunity which we have advocated.

Language needs

2.9 As we have stressed in Chapter Two, it should never be assumed that ethnic minority pupils will automatically have particular educational difficulties, since this would be establishing a negative stereotype which is precisely what we wish to avoid. Nevertheless, some ethnic minority pupils may, for example, have particular language needs, either because English is not their first language or because they speak a dialect of English which differs from the Standard English of the school. If and when such language needs arise, they should not be regarded negatively simply as 'problems', but rather should be seen as just one aspect of that pupil's individual educational needs, which may in any case be similar in nature if not in degree to the linguistic needs of some ethnic majority pupils, and for which it is therefore entirely reasonable and proper to expect schools to cater. An essential distinction must however be drawn between the view taken of catering for ethnic minority pupils' language needs within the assimilationist philosophy and within our pluralist philosophy. Whereas the intention of teaching pupils English was previously seen as enabling them to 'settle down' and be absorbed within the majority community, our aim is to accord ethnic minority pupils equality of access and opportunity in a society in which a full command of standard English is and will remain a key factor in success both in academic terms and in adult life.

'Pastoral' needs

2.10 Looking beyond the language field, if a pupil's parents are not familiar with the British education system and may not be fully fluent in English, this may call for particular sensitivity and appreciation of the situation in the school's arrangements for home/school liaison in order to enable the parents to play their full part in supporting their child's education. An understanding of the home and family background of pupils from different cultural groups, again not based on negative stereotypes or value judgements, may also be necessary for the school to be able to cater for any particular 'pastoral' needs which an ethnic minority pupil may experience, for example in relation to intergenerational conflicts or educational aspirations. Similarly we believe that in relation to 'pastoral' concerns, schools should take full account of the cultural background from which their pupils come, so that no pupils, nor by extension their parents, are forced into a position of conflict between the requirements of their fundamental religious beliefs and the provisions of the school.

2.11 Thus, schools with ethnic minority pupils should regard any particular educational needs which these pupils may have, as a result of their cultural, religious or linguistic background, as essentially no different from the educational needs which any child may have and which they therefore have a responsibility to meet. The traditional child-centred response of schools should simply be broadened to encompass any particular needs which may derive from the diversity of their pupil population. We believe education must offer ethnic minority pupils not merely acceptance or tolerance - both of which attitudes tend to imply that ethnic minority groups are still regarded by the majority community as outsiders who are here only 'on sufferance' - but rather true equality of opportunity and treatment within a framework which regards cultural diversity as a valuable resource to enrich the lives of all and in which all children are able to benefit both from their own cultural heritage and also that of others.

2.12 We hope that the principles which we have put forward here will be accepted by those involved in education at both classroom level and in policy-making at central and local level, and also by the ethnic minority communities. We believe it is only through reaching a consensus on the overall task for education both in meeting the needs of ethnic minority pupils and in preparing all pupils, both ethnic minority and ethnic majority, through a common educational experience, for life in today's multiracial Britain, that our aim of a truly pluralist society can be achieved.

3. Implications for the curriculum

3.1 We have outlined above the broad principles which we believe should underlie an education which would prepare all youngsters to live in and to shape the kind of pluralist society which we advocated at the opening of this report. We now turn to the practical implications of such an approach for the curriculum. An increasing amount of attention has been devoted to various aspects of multicultural education during the lifetime of this Committee and a good deal of valid and worthwhile work has undoubtedly taken place. The extent to which our view of the education system's response to today's multiracial society goes beyond many of these interpretations of multicultural education is we believe self-evident. Not only have we rejected the legacies of the assimilationist and integrationist schools of thought but we have also resisted some of the more recent moves towards encouraging a separatist 'solution' to the concerns of ethnic minority communities. The majority of initiatives which have been taken in the multicultural field have still tended to take as their starting point the needs of ethnic minority pupils as something separate and distinct from the mainstream of educational provision. Even when they have gone on to consider the implications of cultural diversity for pupils from the majority community, those developments which have taken place have usually fallen far short of the fundamental reappraisal of what constitutes a good and relevant education for all pupils in today's society, which we have advocated. We do not believe therefore that the aims and objectives which we have set out for 'Education for All' have yet been fully realised in any of the schools or LEAs from whom we have received evidence. Consequently we are not able to put forward any ready made examples of 'good practice', as models for others to emulate. Even where initiatives have been taken in respect of particular areas of the curriculum which go some way towards reflecting the pluralist character of British society today, these have almost always been limited to multiracial schools and the focus has therefore been primarily on the needs of ethnic minority pupils. We would emphasise again however that in our view the curriculum offered to all pupils, whether in multiracial or 'all-white' schools, must be permeated by a genuinely pluralist perspective which should inform and influence both the selection of content and the teaching materials used.

3.2 We believe there is scope for the whole range of curricular areas to be developed to offer pupils an education more balanced and relevant to the multiracial nature of today's society. In structuring our own work it was clearly beyond the resources available to us, in either time or specialist expertise, to investigate in depth the various ways in which each and every subject area could contribute to this process. We therefore decided to focus our attention for this report on those aspects of education which emerged clearly from the evidence we received, from the ethnic minority communities, LEAs, schools and teachers, as arousing the greatest interest and anxieties: language and language education, and religion and the role of the school. Accordingly we devote chapters in the next part of this report to these broad areas of educational experience. From Chapter Seven we discuss a range of linguistic issues - the needs of children for whom English is not a first language, the diverse strands of the 'mother tongue' debate, the concept of 'language across the curriculum', and the general need for enhanced awareness and understanding of the nature of language and of linguistic diversity. From Chapter Eight on we consider not only the implications for 'religious education' of the range of religious faiths and belief systems now present in this society, but also the controversial and topical question of the calls from sections of certain ethnic minority communities to establish their own 'separate' schools, which derive in the main from essentially religious concerns. In both chapters we put forward specific conclusions and recommendations for progress, reflecting the principles we set out earlier in this chapter. As we emphasised in our interim report, teachers are the key figures in our educational system since any changes in the content, approach, and overall direction of the curriculum can only be achieved with their cooperation and support. In turn, however, teachers are to some extent at least only as good as the training which they receive, both before commencing teaching and in the course of their careers. We have therefore devoted a further chapter to considering in some depth the implications of our view of the task for education, for teacher training at all levels. Whilst some sections of each of these chapters relate specifically to the particular needs which may be experienced by ethnic minority pupils, we seek to take as our starting point throughout the need to enhance the educational experience of all pupils. Taken together with the further comments we make here, we believe these chapters illustrate clearly the practical implications of the principles of 'Education for All' which we have set out here, and we hope they will serve as exemplars which will enable practitioners in other areas of education to appraise and where necessary revise their work along pluralist lines.

Evaluating the curriculum

3.3 As we have already emphasised, we are not concerned so much with changing the content of the curriculum as with bringing about a reorientation of the attitudes which inform and condition the selection of teaching materials and the way in which various topics are approached and presented. In seeking to revise the curriculum which they offer their pupils, teachers will, we believe, need to review their work in the light of a range of broad considerations. The following criteria for evaluating the curriculum in this way were suggested in the evidence which we received from the Schools Council:

'i. The variety of social, cultural and ethnic groups and a perspective of the world should be evident in visuals, stories, conversation and information.

ii. People from social, cultural and ethnic groups should be presented as individuals with every human attribute.

iii. Cultures should be empathetically described in their own terms and not judged against some notion of 'ethnocentric' or 'Eurocentric' culture.

iv. The curriculum should include accurate information on racial and cultural differences and similarities.'

• All children should be encouraged to see the cultural diversity of our society in a positive light.
• The issue of racism, at both institutional and individual level, should be considered openly and efforts made to counter it.

3.4 Although progress in developing a pluralist perspective to the school curriculum which reflects these broad criteria has, in our view, been disappointingly slow, it must be acknowledged that increasing attention has been devoted over recent years to the opportunities for reflecting different cultural perspectives in various subject areas, especially within the humanities. Recent curriculum initiatives in the geography field for example have focused on the need to move away from a perception of other countries, especially those outside Europe, solely in 'British' terms, and have emphasised the need to recognise that, as the book 'Teaching World Studies' (6) has put it:

'Other nations and cultures have their own validity and should be described in their own terms. Wherever possible they should be allowed to speak for themselves and not be judged exclusively against British or European norms.'

'History is ... indispensable to understanding the society we live in: to an awareness by pupils of the place of themselves, their families and communities in the developing story of the nation, a story which itself involves other nations and peoples. Our society, like many, is the product of centuries of change, and its history throws light on why things now are as they are'.

'... will only reinforce . . .. ethnocentric attitudes, and foreigners, who only appear on the scene to be defeated, enslaved and exploited for the glory of one's own group, will hardly be seen more tolerantly when encountered in another context.'

Books and teaching materials

3.5 One of the most important factors in influencing how pupils interpret what they are taught is the selection of the textbooks and teaching materials used in schools. Images, both pictorial and verbal, are among the most powerful influences on how a child perceives the world and thus a major potential source of stereotypes of ethnic minority groups. As one writer (9) has emphasised:

'Neither reading nor writing takes place in a cultural vacuum. All authors bring to their work their own values and attitudes; all readers relate to what they read in the light of their own perceptions. Each early reading experience validates the printed word ... It is some years before children learn to question the truth of what they read, and even then they are unlikely to identify and challenge biases which do not immediately threaten them, unless they are actively encouraged to do so. Consider the role of print in shaping children's attitudes towards the world and relate it to the multicultural society into which they are growing up, The population of Britain has changed radically in the past forty years: books have changed little. There is much greater cultural diversity in customs, languages, religious beliefs, skin colours and lifestyles, and yet the view of many is of one cultural norm and one way of looking at the world; and prejudice and discrimination remain a reality. Consider next children's reading matter in relation to children in the UK and their wide range of lifestyles and experiences. Many children see cultural diversity all round them but find little confirmation of it in what they read. Children from ethnic minorities in Britain need to see their culture accurately portrayed and their existence acknowledged in the books they encounter. Children in areas still predominantly white and monocultural are likely to accept without question exclusively monocentric portrayals of other lands and racial stereotypes in books. All these children are growing up into a multicultural society and a shrinking and interdependent world. We who bring them into contact with books have a responsibility to ensure that those books offer not outdated and biased views but accuracy and a multicultural perspective on the world and the people in it.'

'... (to) provide an insight into the prevailing attitudes and opinions of the time when they were written.'

3.6 As we have already emphasised, we believe that all areas of the curriculum can contribute towards the development of an education which is more appropriate to the contemporary world. It is essential therefore to look beyond those subject areas which have traditionally been seen as open to a broader, pluralist perspective, and to recognise the less obvious relevance of cultural diversity for specialisms such as the sciences and mathematics. The guidelines for reviewing the curriculum prepared by one LEA which submitted evidence to us suggested the following broader perspectives to the teaching of the sciences:

• 'the development of themes related to conservation and pollution, disease, food and health and population growth needs to be considered in relation to humankind as a whole and the issues of regional or group differences need to be worked out and developed in the context of interdependence and unequal resources;
• the issue of 'race' and the origins of humankind needs to be considered carefully in relation to the myths surrounding theories of race; ,
• the question of difference of pigment and physical features and the assumptions made about identities on the basis of pigment needs to be explored more fully;
• the history of science, particularly the early history of chemistry and medicine needs to be developed comparatively;
• the selection of examples for classroom use needs to take account of the contribution and participation in scientific endeavours of people from a range of backgrounds and cultures;
• the question of science as being only a European phenomenon needs to be raised and discussed.'

'It is possible to make positive use of mathematical ideas drawn from other cultures, especially when discussing shape and space. For example, many of the Rangoli patterns which are used by Hindu and Sikh families to decorate their homes on important occasions have a geometrical basis in which symmetry plays a major part. Practice in drawing patterns of this kind can help to develop geometrical concepts. Again, the intricate patterns which decorate many Islamic buildings are formed by fitting together various geometrical shapes. Patterns of this kind can be examined and discussed and children can then create patterns of their own. As children grow older, it is possible to discuss the ways in which the numerals which we now use have developed from those which were originally used in eastern countries, and the contributions to the development of mathematics which have come from different countries and different cultures.'

'... help teachers visualise multicultural education in terms of their own teaching.'

• '... whether ethnic minority pupils might have particular contributions to make or particular classroom needs in relation to individual curriculum subjects ...
• ... how their subject could contribute to all pupils' understanding and acceptance of cultural diversity ... (and)
• ... ways in which their subject could make a more specific and direct contribution towards the combating of racism.'

Political education

3.7 There is one particular area of the curriculum, to which we have devoted some attention, which we would like to discuss briefly here in the light of our view of the contribution of schools in laying the foundations of a genuinely pluralist society and in countering the influence of racism: political education. Although there has been an increasing amount of discussion in recent years about the theory and practice of political education, this area of the curriculum still tends to be the subject of considerable controversy within and beyond educational circles. Much of the opposition to political education has we believe derived from confusion about its objectives and some of the strongest opponents of its inclusion in the school curriculum have regarded it simply as a form of indoctrination of pupils with clearly defined 'party political' beliefs with a view to undermining and destabilising the democratic processes of our society. Far from seeking to dictate or prescribe the political views which pupils should or should not hold, political education should however, in our view, through encouraging pupils to consider how power is exercised and by whom at different levels in our society, how resources are allocated, how policies are determined and implemented, how decisions are taken and how conflicts are resolved, be no more likely to lead them to question and challenge the status quo, other than where this is justified, than to defend and seek to retain it. The essential aim of political education should be to open pupils' minds to a full appreciation of the role which they as adults can and should play in shaping their futures. Political education can thus be described in the simplest terms, in the words of the Thompson Report on the Youth Service, (12) as:

'... the process whereby a young individual learns how to claim the right of a member of a democratic society and to have a say in how it affects him or her.'

'The politically literate person is not merely an informed spectator: he is someone capable of active participation or of positive refusal to participate. At the same time the politically literate person, while tolerating the views of others, is capable of thinking in terms of change and of methods of achieving change.'

'... courses which stress responsible participation are likely to heighten candidates' awareness of and sensitivity to injustice, prejudice or discrimination.'

'Some views and attitudes are arguably unacceptable in our democracy: racism, suppression of opinion, exploitation of the defenceless. These are anathema to most people in our society. Education which identifies the evils we must resist, and suggests how we may resist them, is quite proper and likely to command wide support.'

3.10 Some educationists have argued that school pupils are insufficiently mature and responsible to be able to comprehend politically sensitive issues such as racism and to cope with them in a balanced and rational manner. Even primary-age pupils however have views and opinions on various 'political' issues and are subject to a range of overt and covert political influences based on values and assumptions from their homes, their peers and the media. Our own discussions with secondary pupils from a range of ethnic backgrounds have left us in no doubt that the majority of them have strong views on issues which can be perceived as 'political' and have definite opinions on 'racial' questions such as immigration, discrimination and the respective 'rights and responsibilities' of the ethnic majority community and ethnic minority groups in this society. The more detailed discussions with pupils undertaken by Mr Matthews and Mr Fallows in a range of 'all-white' schools (described in Annexes C and D to Chapter Five) confirmed this and highlighted the extent to which pupils' professed attitudes to issues such as the National Front's stance on immigration were far from matched by actual knowledge and understanding of the political arena, being based largely on hearsay and anecdotal sources and derived from family and peer group influences. It must also be recognised that political parties of various persuasions have actively sought to recruit the allegiance of youngsters and a number of school sixth-formers are of course already eligible to vote. It is therefore clear that school pupils can in no sense be considered immune to the general political climate. We believe that schools have a clear responsibility to provide accurate factual information and opportunities for balanced and sensitive consideration of political issues in order to enable pupils to reflect upon and sometimes reconsider their political opinions within a broader context. On 'racial' issues, as the authors of one article have put it (16)

'The question of race relations permeates our society and one might expect schools, as regulators of society, to do their best to correct misconceptions.'

'Some young blacks are driven by their despair into feeling that they are rejected by the society of which they rightly believe they are members and in which they would wish to enjoy the same opportunities and to accept the same risks as everyone else. But their experience leads them to believe that their opportunities are less and their risks are greater. Young black people feel neither socially nor economically secure. In addition they do not feel politically secure. Their sense of rejection is not eased by the low level of black representation in our elective political institutions. Their sense of insecurity is not relieved by the liberty our law provides to those who march and demonstrate in favour of tougher immigration controls and 'repatriation' of the blacks. Rightly or wrongly, young black people do not feel politically secure, any more than they feel economically or socially secure.'

'The accumulation of these anxieties and frustrations and the limited opportunities of airing their grievances at national level in British society ... (might) ... create a predisposition towards violent protest.'

'It is accepted that education alone cannot significantly alter the basic structure of society but conceivably it could be a powerful and persuasive contributory agent, especially if the alternative is seen as the progressive disintegration of political democracy, a possibility for which the present levels of political ignorance, cynicism and alienation signal a salutary warning ... ultimately, the preservation and strengthening of political democracy ... can only be achieved if the educational system and other social agencies make a serious effort to heighten the general level of social and political awareness, to increase the possibilities of political involvement and to seek especially to develop in young people attitudes, knowledge and skills which enable them to be politically sensitive and, if they choose to act, politically effective.'

'Schools are themselves political institutions in that they involve power and authority, participation, and the resolution of different opinions. Children's perceptions of these are arguably a strong influence in the development of their political attitudes.'

The 'hidden' curriculum

3.13 Up to now we have focused primarily on the practical implications of 'Education for All' for various areas of the 'taught' curriculum. As important, if not more so, in the overall education process is however the 'hidden' curriculum offered by schools through the ethos which they present and their attitudes and policies towards what can broadly be termed the 'pastoral' needs of their pupils at the interface of the home and the school. We firmly believe that the fundamental principles which we set out earlier in this chapter must equally be seen to be reflected in this aspect of a school's work, especially with regard to the issues which may arise in a multiracial context, over the concerns of some ethnic minority pupils. As the Schools Council put it in their evidence to us:

'The school must be seen to be welcoming to other cultures, and not confine itself to teaching about them in the classroom while rejecting their manifest expression.'

'On the odd occasion we have had an Asian girl's parents of Moslem faith requesting that their daughter should be allowed to wear trousers. With a little pressure from the Headmaster, however, the request has always been dropped. Apart from the above idiosyncrasies of uniform, there have been no obvious problems and the same would apply to Physical Education and school meals.'

'Local (Asian) girl was excluded from school ... when her father requested she be allowed not to take part in the once weekly swimming classes (mixed sex) which runs for half an academic year! Despite letters from Islamic authorities to Head teacher and Education Department supporting father in his view, the Head teacher maintained his stance that swimming was 'a vital and integral part of the school's curricula', and that the girl 'was excluding herself by refusing school discipline'. Head refused to admit girl while matter was being resolved 'unless she takes part in swimming.' Matters eventually taken to MP at same time CRC ensured that Chief Education Officer fully aware that it would make a national campaign of this, and that it considered the Head's actions to be illegal re Race Relations Act and would refer it for action. Head then, presumably, ordered to admit child 'while the whole situation being reviewed'. Comments to Assistant Community Relations Officer from Head during discussions included 'It's the thin end of the wedge' - 'These people have got to be shown that they can't have everything to their convenience' and 'I will only admit this girl under their conditions if I am ordered to' ... 'I will stop swimming for every child in the school if she is excluded from the subject'.

3.15 Illustrations of the way in which such 'confrontation' situations can be avoided, as we would wish, through discussions between schools and parents based on an informed understanding of each other's position, were provided in the evidence we received from a number of schools and LEAs. For example, the following reference to school uniform was included in the policy statement of one multiracial LEA:

'The desire of many Headteachers to have distinctive school uniforms for a variety of reasons is appreciated, but pupils should not be excluded from school because they are not dressed exactly in accordance with school rules. The Authority will not support heads who exclude pupils and provoke confrontation with parents on this ground alone.'

'Allowances are made for religious and cultural beliefs regarding dress for physical education, provided always that safety is paramount. Difficulties arise in some instances involving Muslim girls in swimming lessons. These are largely overcome by direct contact with parents, but in a minority of cases it has been decided that the children will miss out on this part of the curriculum. It is believed that the adoption of an inflexible attitude could lead to hostility between home and school, which could be detrimental to all.'

3.16 We have already indicated that it was not our aim in this report to put forward a ready made blueprint for the development of a pluralist approach in all areas of educational experience. We believe however that, from the points which we have raised here, in relation to both the taught and 'hidden' curriculum, and the more detailed chapters which follow, individual teachers should be able to interpret and adapt these general principles within their particular subject specialism or levels of provision.

4. The management of change

4.1 We believe that the development of the more broadly-based, pluralist approach to education which we have outlined in this chapter, and which is the central theme of this report, constitutes possibly the most urgent and important challenge facing the education system today. One of the major reasons for the hitherto limited and disappointingly slow rate of progress in recognising and responding to this challenge has in our view been the absence of a coherent overall strategy for stimulating developments and coordinating initiatives, with, above all, the committed support of central government in the form of adequate and appropriate resources. In putting forward our philosophy of 'Education for All', we therefore believe it is essential for us to set out here our broad strategy for the management of change needed in order to achieve the objectives we have advocated.

Review of the curriculum

4.2 We have already emphasised that the case for the changes in emphasis and perspective for which we have called is justified on educational grounds, in order to offer all pupils a good and relevant education. It is essential therefore to overcome the still widespread belief that such concerns are peripheral to mainstream curriculum development and to ensure that the issues involved are accorded their rightful place in current educational policy-making. The balance and breadth of the curriculum has of course been the subject of considerable attention by successive Secretaries of State since the mid 1970s, culminating in the 1981 Paper 'The School Curriculum' which sought to set out the aims and objectives which should underlie provision at both primary and secondary level. DES Circular 6/81 asked all LEAs to review their policies and the provision made by their schools in the light of these broad principles, and DES Circular 8/83 required them to provide, by April 1984, the following information:

• a report on the progress which has been made in drawing up policies for the curriculum in primary and secondary schools;
• details of the involvement of teachers, governors, parents and the local community in drawing up the policy;
• a description of the ways in which the policy is being given practical effect in the schools;
• details of the steps taken to ensure that the curriculum is balanced, coherent, suited to pupils across the full range of ability, related to what happens outside schools, and that it includes sufficient applied and practical work;
• details of the effect of the availability of resources on putting curriculum policies into practice.

4.3 We urge the Secretary of State, in considering the responses to Circular 8/83, to give particular attention to the approaches which have been adopted by LEAs, both multiracial and 'all-white', to the need for their schools to reflect a pluralist perspective in their work, and to set out his findings on this issue when he publishes his conclusions on the responses. If, as we believe will be the case, the majority of LEAs have not yet given any consideration to the implications of the multiracial nature of today's society for their schools, we strongly urge the Secretary of State to require them to actively consider their response to the issues which we have raised in this report and to prepare clear policy statements in this field. (There is already a precedent for such a specific request for information by the Secretary of State since Circular 8/83 asked LEAs specifically about their response to the recommendations of the Cockcroft Report on the teaching of mathematics.) We would like to see the Secretary of State acknowledging the need to consider the educational implications of cultural diversity in any further statements that he may make and any agreements that he may seek about the school curriculum. We believe that bringing the issue of the educational response to today's multiracial society in this way to the fore in the current debate on the curriculum will not only serve to demonstrate the government's commitment to developments in this area but will also lead all LEAs to appraise their policies in this respect. We believe that all LEAs, whether multiracial or not, should publicly declare their commitment to the principles underlying 'Education for All', especially in terms of developing a broader, multicultural perspective to the curriculum, and seeking to counter the influence of racism. We believe that such policy statements would not only demonstrate visibly to ethnic minority pupils and parents that the education system is prepared to treat their concerns seriously, and is committed to equality of opportunity for all children irrespective of ethnic origin, but would also encourage and 'legitimise' the efforts of those individual schools and teachers who may have been seeking to develop their work along pluralist lines but with little interest or support from their LEAs. In drawing up such policy statements it is essential that LEAs involve the teachers in their schools since a policy which is implemented without full prior consultation is unlikely to evoke the commitment of teachers and so is unlikely to be effective in practice. A number of LEAs have of course already adopted policy statements on the implications of today's multiracial society for education and we attach as Annex A to this chapter the policy statement adopted by Berkshire LEA which reflects many of the points which we have raised in this report. Some policy statements are however unduly influenced by an assimilationist view of the 'special needs and problems' of ethnic minority children, or are concerned solely with multiracial schools and make little if any mention of the relevance of today's multiracial society to 'all-white' schools. We would therefore like to see all LEAs being required to review their policies in the light of our findings.

4.4 It must be emphasised however that a policy statement, no matter how positive, is not an end in itself and there is a risk that, as one article (19) has put it:

'... these policies become a substitute for action: the destination rather than the launching pad for change.'

'... all ... advisers have a role to play in increasing awareness and understanding of the needs of ethnic minority pupils and in fostering the development of a curriculum relevant to the needs of society.'

We would still advocate this 'two-tier' approach. We believe that all inspectors and advisers, whatever their specialist areas of concern, must see their work within a pluralist context and the advice which they offer to teachers, whether through in-service courses or visits to schools, should reflect this broader perspective. We also believe however that there is a need for at least one adviser and perhaps a senior officer in every LEA to be designated as having specific responsibility for coordinating and initiating the development of the kind of approach to education which we have advocated. He or she can thus act as a catalyst both in encouraging other advisers to recognise and fulfil their responsibilities in this respect and also in keeping fully informed of new developments. Concerns have of course been expressed in the past that having an identifiable 'multicultural adviser' may merely confirm the view that such issues are peripheral to mainstream educational thinking, and may lead other advisers to believe they are absolved from making any efforts to reappraise their own work. If the LEAs stance on 'Education for All' is set out clearly and unequivocally in a policy statement, we believe that these risks can be avoided. We must emphasise however that we would not necessarily regard the appointment of a 'multicultural' adviser as an end in itself, but rather as a means to an end. One of the leading advisers for multicultural education in the country said in evidence to us that he saw his long term aim as to 'work himself out of a job' since he saw his role chiefly as a catalyst in alerting teachers and other advisers to the opportunities presented by today's multicultural society and to the need to ensure that all pupils were accorded true equality within the education system. Once these objectives were realised and the case for introducing a multicultural perspective no longer needed to be made but was accepted and built into the educational principles which informed all curriculum development and classroom teaching, there would no longer remain a need for such a specific appointment. We nevertheless regard multicultural advisers as key figures in the immediate future in achieving the reorientation of educational thinking which we believe to be essential.

Work of HMI

4.5 In addition to local authority inspectors and advisers, another major influence on curriculum development in schools is of course the work of HM Inspectorate. In our interim report we recommended that:

'HM Inspectorate should, within their regular inspections, assess the extent to which schools are responding to the challenges of meeting the special needs of ethnic minority pupils and of preparing all pupils for life in a multiracial society, and should advise LEAs and teachers accordingly.'

• what action they consider is needed in relation to the school inspected;
• what action the LEA and the Governors have taken or propose to take; and
• what application the findings of the report might have for other schools maintained by the LEA.

'Although it was generally agreed that race relations was a most important issue to which schools and LEAs must respond, there was little reported evidence of consistent and successful practice aimed at tackling the problems.'

'... properly tentative and (going) no further than the current state of the art allows.'

The role of the School Curriculum Development Committee

4.6 In our interim report we identified the Schools Council as one of the main 'agents of change' with regard to the development of multicultural education, and much interesting and valuable work has undoubtedly been carried out under the auspices of the Council. We have for example, in this report, drawn on a number of Schools Council projects ranging from Little and Willey's 'Studies in the Multi-Ethnic Curriculum' to the more recent subject-specific reports on 'Assessment in a Multicultural Society'. Since our interim report the Secretaries of State have established the School Curriculum Development Committee (SCDC) and the Secondary Examinations Council (SEC) to take on these two main areas of responsibility in place of the Schools Council. The SCDC's remit requires it to inform itself of school curriculum development work already being undertaken by other bodies and individuals; to identify on that basis important areas where work is not being undertaken; and to undertake work in these areas or stimulate others to do so. We believe that the SCDC can and must play a leading role in fostering the development of the broader, pluralist approach to the education of all children which we have advocated. We are pleased therefore that the Committee itself has already identified 'Education for a Multicultural Society' as a priority area for its work and indeed has in hand a preliminary study in this field. The major task for the SCDC is in our view to offer guidance on the practical implications at classroom level of developing a curriculum more appropriate and relevant to the contemporary societal and global context. We would like to see the Committee establish a series of working parties concerned with various subject areas to consider in depth, in consultation with teachers and teacher trainers, the implications for their fields of work of the broad educational principles which we have set out in this report. The aim of these working parties would be to produce subject-specific guidelines and exemplars of content and activities through which various concepts and skills may be taught at varying levels, to assist teachers in both multiracial and 'all-white' schools to put these principles into practice. Clearly such a complex and demanding task cannot be completed overnight, but because of the urgency which we attach to bringing about the overall reorientation of the curriculum, we would hope that guidance relating to all the major curricular areas could be issued by the Committee over the next three years. We should emphasise that we would not regard this as a 'once and for all' exercise but rather as part of an ongoing process, since, as we have already pointed out, the educational needs of youngsters do change over time, and it may well be necessary to reappraise provision in particular subject areas as the nature of our multiracial society continues to evolve. (We understand that for the SCDC to review specific curriculum areas as we have suggested, by commissioning subject specialists to coordinate subject-specific seminars to review work in their areas, would cost of the order of £4,000 per subject area. If a full-time project officer were appointed to coordinate the work of these groups - which would serve to ensure a common approach was adopted in each area - this would cost an additional £25,000 per year.) Alongside this specific role as a catalyst to curriculum development we also believe that the SCDC has a potentially important role to play in the collation and dissemination of existing materials and resources, and also in stimulating the production of new books and teaching materials intended to help teachers to reflect a pluralist perspective in their work. We therefore urge the Committee to give urgent consideration to allocating funds to both these activities.

4.7 In our interim report we expressed the view that:

'Examinations have a major part to play in complementing and reflecting a multicultural approach to the curriculum in schools and the multiracial nature of today's school population.'

The various studies undertaken within the Schools Council Project on 'Assessment in a Multicultural Society' revealed a generally disappointing response in existing examination syllabuses to the need to develop a broader view of the curriculum. In relation to history, for example, the study (22) found that:

'The greatest omission is the lack of any syllabus which ... takes into account, within an international framework, local, national, and world history ... Indeed, it would seem impossible for the majority population to acquire any awareness of ethnic, national and cultural groups from British history, as currently offered, beyond the Norman period. ... very few syllabuses enable teachers to approach questions of stereotyping, racial prejudice, discrimination directly through reference to the historical situation, at various times in Britain or the rest of Europe ... most syllabuses do not cover the whole question of the positive contribution of ethnic minorities to the building up of the economies of Europe, particularly Britain ... in a significant majority (of syllabuses), non-European cultures do not feature.'

Response by schools

4.8 It is clear that the policies which we have advocated have implications for every school in this country whether its pupil population is multiracial or 'all-white', and as part of our overall strategy for change we believe it is important that all LEAs should expect their schools to review their curriculum, both taught and 'hidden', in the light of the principles which we have put forward, to prepare appropriate policy statements and monitor their practical implementation. Some schools have of course already begun to appraise their provision in this way and a number of those which submitted evidence to us were in the process of exploring the implications of cultural diversity for different aspects of their work. The great majority of these schools were however multiracial in character and we would like to see their counterparts in 'all-white' areas embarking on similar programmes of self-evaluation. In primary schools such an exercise can usually be undertaken by the staff as a whole, but in secondary schools, with their complex tiers of responsibility and subject divisions, it may be necessary to establish a number of working parties across different departments in order to ensure that all areas of the school's work are covered. Such working parties would be able to consider the implications of cultural diversity for their subject areas and to consider the particular insights and skills which can be developed. It is essential that if any meaningful progress is to be made in bringing about the reorientation of the curriculum along the lines we have suggested, individual teachers are actively involved in this way in reviewing and, where necessary, revising their own work. Little will be achieved if changes in policy are simply dictated from above without such consultation, since teachers may then feel that their professional competence is being questioned or challenged, and are unlikely therefore to feel committed to bringing about any changes which are needed. If on the other hand teachers are encouraged to look critically at their own teaching methods and to reappraise their work in the light of the principles which we have put forward in this report, we believe that they will be led, on straightforward educational grounds, to broaden the curriculum they offer and to revise the aims and objectives which inform their work, along the lines we have proposed. We believe there is a growing feeling among the teaching profession that the education system should respond more positively to the changed and changing nature of British society, and we hope our report will serve as a catalyst in channelling this goodwill into constructive and worthwhile change. If, as we have urged, the Secretary of State focuses particularly on the implications of cultural diversity in the current national review of the school curriculum, this will also serve as a stimulus to progress in this field. Schools are already formulating their own policies for the curriculum as a whole as part of the curriculum exercise and we would wish to see all schools including some reference in their policy statements to the need to reflect today's multiracial society throughout their work. School Governors and local authority elected members can also play a leading role in formulating policies for the curriculum which reflect cultural diversity and which accord true equality of opportunity to all pupils. We would hope to see parent and pupil representatives on governing bodies, especially those from the ethnic minority communities, encouraged to contribute to such activities. Above all however the support and commitment of the Headteacher is essential if positive progress is to be made. The kind of self-evaluation of a school's work which we have advocated here is closely akin to the objectives and methods involved in much school-based in-service teacher training - an area which we highlight as of particular importance in Chapter Nine - and it must be emphasised that we would not regard this as a 'one-off' exercise but rather as part of an ongoing process in which areas of the curriculum, and teaching methods and materials, evolve in response to changing needs.

4.9 We have already identified the broad criteria which can enable a school to evaluate the extent to which its curriculum reflects the essential principles of 'Education for All' (see paragraph 3.3 above). We have not attempted to draw up a more detailed list of issues to be considered by a school in reviewing its curriculum since individual teachers are, in our view, best placed to devise their own guidelines according to the particular circumstances of their schools. It may be worthwhile however drawing together some of the major questions which we believe need to be raised by schools. The following 'checklist', based largely on guidelines prepared by the Inner London Education Authority (24), indicates some of the broad themes which teachers in all schools, whether multiracial or 'all-white', should consider in appraising their work:

• Are issues related to the multiracial nature of British society today treated in a coherent and comprehensive way throughout the curriculum?
• Where there are choices to be made about the content of the curriculum, do these take account of the diversity of pupils' cultural experiences?
• Is content provided from a wide range of sources? Is it selected so that it engages pupils' feelings as well as giving them information? Are pupils able to explore and share the ideas, opinions and interests which derive from their particular cultural experiences?
• Does the curriculum aim to create an understanding of and interest in different environments, societies, systems and cultures across the world?
• Are pupils encouraged to recognise that each society has its own values, traditions and styles of everyday living which should be considered in the context of that society, as well as compared with their own?
• Are opportunities provided to show the contribution that different societies have made to the growing understanding and knowledge of humankind?
• Is the curriculum designed towards developing an understanding and appreciation of the various communities that make up the local and national society?
• Does the content of the curriculum ensure that pupils understand that migration and movement of people - and thus cultural diversity - are underlying themes in history and the contemporary world?
• Have teachers and departments selected the content of courses to help pupils understand how inaccurate and potentially damaging racial and cultural stereotyping can be, and the historical and contemporary processes which encourage this stereotyping?

School policies on racism

4.10 We must emphasise again that this checklist cannot be considered in any way comprehensive - it is merely intended to show the kind of questions which we believe schools should be considering in the light of our report. There is however one particular issue on which we should comment further - the need for schools to develop explicit policies to combat racism. We discussed the theory and practice of racism at some length in Chapter Two and emphasised that all schools must accept their responsibility for helping to counter the overall climate of racism by adopting a clear stance against it. In multiracial schools, where, as we have seen, overt manifestations of racism may impinge very directly on the lives of pupils, the development of school policies on racism can have the added value of helping to regain the confidence of the ethnic minority communities and also ensuring that racially-motivated incidents are treated seriously by the whole school. It must surely have a direct effect on the attitudes of pupils and their parents if their school is committed to such a policy and also encourage those teachers, who might otherwise be inclined to 'turn a blind eye' to what they may see as a normal part of the rough edges of school life, to treat such incidents seriously. Racism also however has an influence on the work of 'all-white' schools, if less overtly, and here too, staff should give consideration to the need to commit themselves to countering its effects. The following notes (25), prepared by the Inner London Education Authority, give a clear indication of how the development of a school policy on racism can be approached and what such a policy should cover:

'Starting Point

Most of the schools and colleges that have developed policies have found it essential to follow a process which includes all the following:

1. Placing the issue firmly on the school/college agenda and making time for discussion and development.

2. Coming to grips with what racism is and its historical context.

3. Considering how racism can and does operate in the school/college's particular circumstances.

4. Analysing both directly conscious racist behaviour and what the Rampton Interim Report terms 'unconscious racism'.

5. Analysing both individual behaviour and the policies and practices of the school/college.

6. Analysing the behaviour and practices of individuals and services that impinge on the life of the school/college,

7. Drawing upon the advice and experience of others, including other schools/colleges and those with specialist knowledge and experience.

The Policy

Each school or college will finally determine its policy in the light of its own circumstances. However, certain elements are common to all. There will be:

1. A clear, unambiguous statement of opposition to any form of racism or racist behaviour.

2. A firm expression of all pupils' or students' rights to the best possible education.

3. A clear indication of what is not acceptable and the procedures, including sanctions, to deal with any transgressions.

4. An explanation of the way in which the school or college intends to develop practices which both tackle racism and create educational opportunities which make for a cohesive society and a local school or college community in which diversity can flourish.

5. An outline of the measures by which development will be monitored and evaluated.'

Influence of our Report

4.11 We have emphasised that we hope this report will itself serve as a catalyst for change and will assist schools in reviewing their work. It was pointed out in evidence to us however that, with financial constraints making it hard for some schools to maintain adequate stocks of textbooks and teaching materials, there was often little money for obtaining documents related less immediately to the classroom situation. At present-day prices this report will undoubtedly be considerably more expensive than was our interim report. The combination of these factors may mean that many schools who might be willing and able to act upon our findings would be unable to obtain a copy of our report. We therefore believe that, as evidence of its commitment to progress in this field, the government should provide every maintained school in the country with at least a summary of our findings. Whilst there may not be a direct precedent for doing this, it may be worth recalling here that the government did send copies of the summary of our interim report to all schools, and also that the DES has circulated to schools details of the findings of the Cockcroft Committee on mathematics education. We believe that the issues which we consider in this report are sufficiently urgent and important to justify such action to ensure that no school or its teachers are prevented from studying our findings.

Regional conferences

4.12 There is one further step which can we believe help teachers to explore the implications of cultural diversity for their work through extending the opportunities for teachers from different schools and different subject areas to meet together and exchange information and ideas. One of the most interesting outcomes of the one-day national conference which we convened in the autumn of 1981 to discuss our interim report, was the way in which the teachers involved welcomed the chance to meet colleagues and to discuss together their views on 'multicultural' issues. Staff from 'all-white' schools or from areas of the country where LEA policies were still at a very early stage of formulation, particularly valued the opportunity to meet other heads and teachers from multiracial schools where the educational implications of a multiracial society had been considered for some years and specific policies evolved. This was very much a two-way process since many of the staff from multiracial areas stressed that hearing the views and experiences of individuals from 'all-white' areas, served to broaden their horizons and added a further dimension to their perception of the degree of change which was still needed. The success of our conference at this level has led us to believe that the pace of change towards the objectives we have outlined could be accelerated significantly if there were further such opportunities for teachers to discuss the major issues which we have highlighted in this report. We would therefore like to see the DES organising a series of conferences for elected members of LEAs, teachers, and other educationists, to discuss the implications of 'Education for All' for their work. We have in mind a programme of one-day conferences, held on a regional basis - possibly adopting the seven divisional areas of HM Inspectorate: Northern, North Western, Midland, Eastern, Metropolitan and South Midland, Southern, and South Western - bringing together representatives from both multiracial and 'all white' areas. These conferences would focus on the challenges posed by our recommendations to LEAs and their schools. We would envisage these conferences being of a 'workshop' nature so as to provide for greater participation by individuals. The conclusions of these conferences might subsequently be drawn to the attention of a wider audience in a conference report. Whilst it would not be possible for these conferences to explore matters in any great depth, they would in our view provide a valuable and visible focus for progress in this field. We would like to see these conferences restricted to a manageable size of something like 150-200 participants. As far as the timing of these conferences is concerned, we recognise that the organisational task is not insignificant. However, in view of the urgency we attach to the realisation of our objectives, we would urge that these conferences should take place as early as possible after the publication of this Report. Thereafter we would envisage that individual LEAs or groups of LEAs, dependent on size, would arrange their own conferences and that every school would have an opportunity to send a representative. The aim of such meetings would be to determine the response of the LEA and its schools to the recommendations in this Report and how both should manage the change towards 'Education for All'. LEAs with less experience of the issues might look outside their areas for support in arranging such conferences. In addition to the regional conferences mentioned earlier, we recommend that the DES should arrange a series of conferences to consider the implications for initial teacher training of the Report's recommendations.

Resources

4.13 This brings us to the central issue of the availability of the necessary resources to bring about the developments we have advocated. In our interim report we expressed the view that because our major aim was a change in attitude and perspective rather than in actual content, some at least of the cost of the implementation of the policies which we had proposed would be psychological rather than financial. We still believe this to be the case - it is clear for example that additional funds alone cannot effectively counter the pervasive influence of racism or lead to a reorientation of the curriculum. On the other hand, adequate and appropriate resources are we believe essential if any meaningful progress is to be made in realising the objectives we have put forward, not least as a clear manifestation of central and local government's commitment to this area of concern. We emphasised earlier in this chapter that there can be seen to be two distinct aspects of 'Education for All' - on the one hand catering for any particular educational needs which ethnic minority pupils may have, and, on the other, enhancing the education offered to all pupils. We believe that developments in these two areas call for rather different forms of funding.

Section 11

Up to now the chief source of funding for activities in the 'multicultural' field has been Section 11 of the Local government Act 1966 which empowers the Home Secretary to pay grants at the rate of 75 per cent in respect of the employment of staff to those local authorities which have to make special provision in the exercise of their functions in consequence of the presence within their areas of substantial numbers of 'Commonwealth immigrants' whose language or customs differ from those of the rest of the community. (Although claims may be made in respect of all local authority services, the great majority of claims (about 80 per cent) have related to staff employed in education.) Section 11 is thus the chief source of funding for the 'ethnic minority dimension' of 'Education for All', although it remains in our view a somewhat imperfect vehicle for progress. As we have already observed in Chapter Four, the origins of Section 11 lie in the assimilationist phase of educational thinking in that the underlying aim appears to be to overcome the perceived 'differences' of the ethnic minority groups with a view to their eventual absorption into the majority community. Concern has been expressed for some years about the shortcomings of Section 11 and indeed as long ago as 1978 the then government published a consultative document setting out proposals for a new form of grant. The resultant Local government Grants (Ethnic Groups) Bill fell on the dissolution of Parliament in April 1979. In our interim report we concluded that:

'... Section 11 provides a valuable source of funding to local authorities. We strongly support, however, the need for the government to revise its provisions to make it more appropriate to the needs of the ethnic minority communities in our society.'

'i, all immigrants to this country who were born in another country of the Commonwealth (including those born in Pakistan before it left the Commonwealth in 1972), no matter how long their residence in this country; and

ii. all children of the above, whether born in this country or elsewhere, aged 20 or less.' (28)

Other sources of funding

4.14 Alongside the costs of catering for the particular needs of ethnic minority youngsters is the expenditure needed to enhance the curriculum offered to all pupils to reflect a pluralist perspective. It has been suggested that a revised Section 11 grant might be extended to cover initiatives designed to prepare all youngsters for life in a multiracial society. We ourselves had some sympathy with this suggestion but now believe that it is more appropriate to look for funding to reflect this broader aspect of 'Education for All' from those sources already available to support curriculum initiatives. We have already referred to the need for the SCDC to allocate resources to exploring the practical implications of adopting the principles which we have put forward in this report. We would also like to see far greater use being made of the DES research budget in funding projects related to the 'multicultural' field and particularly the hitherto largely neglected 'all-white' dimension. We have suggested, in subsequent chapters of this report, a number of specific areas where we would like to see the DES funding research, and we hope that our report as a whole will stimulate bids for other relevant research. The Economic and Social Research Council has indicated to us that it would be glad to consider suitable applications for funding research projects in these areas. In addition to such specific sources of funding we would like to see both local and central government accord a far higher priority to funding activities related to broadening the curriculum offered to all pupils along the lines we have advocated. We believe a major vehicle for ensuring that this objective is realised is the new Education (Grants and Awards) Act 1984, which allows the government to pay 'education support grants' (ESGs) to LEAs for innovations and improvements in education (29). The express purpose of these grants is:

• '... to encourage LEAs to redeploy their expenditure ... in accordance with objectives of particular national importance. They will:
• help LEAs to respond swiftly to new demands on the education service;
• promote improvements in the quality of provision in particular areas of the service; and
• assist in the financing of pilot projects within a limited number of authorities. the results of which could be of potential national importance.' (30)

Ethnically based statistics

4.15 In subsequent chapters of this report we have put forward a number of specific recommendations related to particular areas of concern where we believe change is needed. Many of these recommendations can we believe be accommodated within existing expenditure by a reallocation of existing resources or a reordering of priorities, provided the willingness and commitment to change and development is forthcoming. Some recommendations will on the other hand undoubtedly require additional resources. It has not however been possible to prepare a detailed assessment of the costs involved. It is for example impossible to quantify the costs involved in developing a broader, multifaith approach to religious education provision, or encouraging schools to be more sensitive to the 'pastoral' needs of pupils from particular ethnic minority groups. A major contributory factor in the difficulty of costing recommendations has been the continued absence of nationally-agreed educational statistics on an ethnic basis which would at least have enabled us to have quantified accurately the number of ethnic minority pupils from particular groups. In our interim report we recommended the collection of a range of ethnically-based educational statistics on the grounds that these would:

'... be of value at all levels and to all parties within education: to central government, in determining policy; to LEAs in quantifying and locating particular needs; to schools so that they can take full account of the cultural and linguistic backgrounds of pupils and see whether any groups are underachieving or are disproportionately represented in any subject or class and to make an appropriate response; and to parents so that they can assess their child's performance in relation to his peers. We are therefore wholly in favour of the collection of educational statistics on an ethnic basis where they are to be used in establishing facts about how members of the ethnic minorities are faring in the education system.'

Teacher education

4.16 It is clear from what we have said in this chapter that we regard teachers as the key figures in putting into practice the policies which we have advocated, since without their full cooperation and support it would be impossible to bring about the reorientation of the curriculum which we have envisaged. The approach which teachers adopt to their work is